GENDER INEQUALITY IN NIGERIAN POLITICS A CASE STUDY OF KOGI STATE FOURTH REPUBLIC


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PAGES: 98
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GENDER INEQUALITY IN NIGERIAN POLITICS A CASE STUDY OF KOGI STATE FOURTH REPUBLIC

ABSTRACT

 This study is an exploration of the role of women in the Nigerian politics. The inferiority complex of women regarding active political participation and representation constitute the bane of this study. However, it could be argued that the inferiority nature of women generally was a function of chauvinistic nature of men to perpetuate their domination on them in all ramifications. This gender bias in Nigeria’s political system is often traced to the advent of colonialism in Nigeria. Thus, the western cultural notion of colonialism woven around male superiority reflected in their relations with Nigerians. The researcher adopted both conceptual and theoretical analysis of issues of political participation and representation to ascertain how women are generally dominated by men in the scheme of things. The most critical element of this discourse is however that women are, and have been sidelined in the political scheme of things in Nigeria, Kogi State in particular and this state of affairs spells a dangerous omen for the Nigerian system which is now literally dominated and controlled by men. In the past, experience has shown, of course as demonstrated in the study, that women’s political roles have contributed immensely in the shaping of the Nigerian politics not only in democratic governance; but also during the pre-colonial era. So, it will be unthinkable to wish away the critical efforts of women in the making of Nigerian state while arrogating political powers to the male folk. It is also unhealthy to ascribe political powers strictly to men in this era of globalization where the role of women in global politics is considered to be relevant in overall world peace, tranquility and mutual co-existence. In line with the above discovery, the researcher recommends that there should be equality in the sharing of political offices on the basis of quota system between competing candidates. This will enable both men and women have equal chances of control in such public office in Kogi State.

 

                 TABLE OF CONTENTS                                                                                                                   PAGESTITLE PAGE          …………………………………………………………………..i          CERTIFICATION…………………………………………………………………….ii DEDICATION ……………………………………………………………………….iiiACKNOWLEDGEMENT..........................................................................iv      ABSTRACT ……………………………………………………………………………vi                  TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………………….vii                                  CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION……………………………………………1        1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY.....................................................1                                      1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM……………….........................................7                                            1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY.............................................................111.4 SIGNIFICACE OF THE STUDY …………………………………………….12     1.5 RESEACRCH QUESTIONS..................................................................121.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF STUDY.............................................131.7 CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION........................................................131.8    ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY...................................................16REFERENCES.................................................................................................17   CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW/THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK…182.1 LITERATURE REVIEW..........................................................................182.1.1 GENDER..................................................................................................182.1.2 FEMINISM...............................................................................................192.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK...............................................................222.2.1 THE TRADITIONAL MARXIST APPROACH....................................222.3 POLITICS AND WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION.......................................23REFERENCES......................................................................................................33   CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODS…………………………………......353.1 INTRODUCTION..........................................................................................353.2 RESEARCH DESIGN.....................................................................................363.3 DATA ANAYSIS.............................................................................................37REFERENCES........................................................................................................39   CHAPTER FOUR: GENDER INEQUALITY IN NIGERIAN POLITICS A CASE STUDY OF KOGI STATE FOURTH REPUBLIC……………..............................404.1   HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA...................................................................................................................40 4.1.1 WOMEN POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN THE PRE-COLONIAL PERIOD IN NIGERIA .............................................................................................424.1.2 THE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN UNDER COLONIALISM..........................................................................................................454.2.3 THE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN UNDER POST COLONIALISM……………………………………………………………………………………494.2 WOMEN AND GOVERNANCE IN KOGI STATE FOURTH REPUBLIC....554.3 WOMEN AND INEQUALITY IN ELECTIVE POSTIONS IN KOGI STATE.584.4 WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN KOGI STATE.......................614.5 INEQUALITY IN APPOINTIVE POSITIONS IN KOGI STATE...................63        REFERENCES  ......................................................................................................68   CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS…835.1 SUMMARY...............................................................................................................715.2 RECOMMENDATIONS..........................................................................................765.3 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………….........80  BIBLIOGRAPHY..........................................................................................................82             CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION: 1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY -           Women around the world find themselves under-represented in politics and far removed from decision making (Shavedov 1998:19). While the political playing field in each country has its own particular characteristics, one feature remain common to all: it is uneven and not conducive to women’s participation. Women who want to enter polices find that the political, public, cultural and social environment are often unfriendly or even hostile to them. Even a quick glance at the current composition of political decision makers in any region provides evidence that women still face numerous obstacles in articulating and shaping their own interest (Shavedova 1994:The implementation of gender equity and equality in all sphere of     national life in Nigeria remain a far cry decades after the United Nations (UN) declaration of the year 1975 as the international year of the women and 1975-1985 as the decade of the women. The United Nations adopted the convention for the eliminations of all forms of discrimination against women (CEDAW) in 1985, and later Nigerian’s commitment was further buttressed by the much acclaimed Beijing platform for Action of 1995, which Nigeria fully participated alongside most nations of the world (Unicef 2001).          In Nigeria, there has been a gross inequality between men and general leadership. The male gender dominates in government and socio-economic spheres, thereby holding the reigns of power relations and control. Many historical and cultural factors are responsible for this legacy of gender inequality in Nigeria (Ikpe 1994)          The methods used to exclude women from polices include male centre interpretation of culture and religion and sharp practices such as ‘Zoning out’’ strong female candidate (Ed: Jibrin Ibrahim & Amina Salihu 2004:2).          The declaration from the summit of all women political held in Abuja on the 28th of June 2002 observed that the marginalization of women in Nigeria’s patriarchal political system was not a new phenomenon. It dated back to the colonial era. Indeed, women were not even allowed to vote in northern Nigeria until 1976.          The marginalization of women has continued until the fourth republic. For instance, out of a total of 11,881 electable positions available during the 1999 elections, only 631 women contested. Those that managed to win were a mere 1.62% (181 of the total positions).          The table below provides a summary of women elected in the 1999 and 2003 elections.NO.  OF WOMEN ELECTED IN THE 1999 AND 2003 NIGERIA ELECTIONS.  Offices      No Available      No. of women  In 1999      No. of women in 2003       % of women in 2003President      1      No women in 1999      No women in 2003      No women in (2003)  Vice president      1      no women      No women      0%  Senate      109      3 women      3 women      2.8%House of Rep.      360      12 women      21 women      5.8%  Governors      36      No women      No women      O%  Deputy governors      36      1 women      2 women      5.6%  State house of assembly      990      12 women      23 women      2.4%  Cabinet ministers      34      4 (out of 49)      6 women      17.65%Sources: Habiba M. Lawal “Overview of political participation of women in Nigeria:  Challenges, triumphs, and the way forward, paper for IRI, March 2004, page 12.

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PAGES: 98
FORMAT: MS WORD
Chapters: 1-5
PRICE: ₦ 5,000.00




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